Table of contents for Lost in space : the criminalization, globalization, and urban ecology of homelessness / Randall Amster.

Bibliographic record and links to related information available from the Library of Congress catalog.

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CONTENTS
FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
FOREWORD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii
1	FACING THE _HOMELESS PROBLEM_: Subsistence,
	Survival, and Skid Row. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
2	URBAN ECOLOGY AND PUBLIC SPACE: Disney,
	Development, and Dystopia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
3	PATTERNS OF EXCLUSION: The Perversity of
	Homeless Criminalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
. . . . . . . . . .79
4	MAPPING THE TERRITORY: Meanings, 
Methodologies,
	Means and Ends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
. . . . . . . . . 123
5	CASE IN POINT: A Brief History of the Tempe Sidewalk
	Ordinance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
6	THE ECOLOGY OF RESISTANCE: Human 
Rights
	Struggles and the Contested Realms of Public Space 
. . . . . . . . .169
7	CITIES OF THE FUTURE: Localizing the Global,
	Globalizing the Local . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .239
INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .265
FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
1.	Downtown Tempe, Arizona (circa 2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . 
. . . . . . .48
2.	Editorial cartoon re: homeless people on Mill Avenue . 
. . . . . . . 84
3.	New York newspaper headline re: _Homeless 
Crackdown_ . . . .111
4.	Openly defiant agitprop in Tempe (circa 2007) . . . . . . . 
. . . . . . 174
5.	Protest against anti-homeless policies in Tempe, 2004 . 
. . . . . . 207
vi
FOREWORD
With Lost in Space, Randall Amster offers us a beautifully incendiary 
book, a book that burns with outrage, erudition, and human 
engagement. 
	The erudition is evident throughout Lost in Space; each chapter of 
this fine book incorporates an evocative m¿lange of intellectual 
innovation and reasoned critique. Gleaning insights from a remarkable 
range of perspectives _ cultural geography, sociology, cultural and 
critical criminology, urban studies, social history _ Randall Amster 
builds throughout these chapters an elegant analysis of the late modern 
city and its spaces. As he demonstrates, knowing the political and 
cultural coordinates of urban space is essential to understanding the 
social conflicts that emerge as that space is traversed, occupied, and 
controlled. As he also shows, knowing something of anarchism is 
important, too, since anarchic sensibilities often animate such spaces, 
providing street people and urban scholars alike ways of resisting 
spatial domination.
	Amster intertwines this analysis with a revealing case study, a 
close account of a city, an avenue, and the social and economic forces 
circulating there. As he takes pains to point out, this single case 
incorporates the global predations of late capitalism and the 
pervasiveness of contemporary social control _ but it also incorporates 
human beings and human agency. And so Amster lets us hear from the 
individuals involved, lets them make their case: politicians, newspaper 
reporters, businesspeople, and especially the homeless folks whom the 
local authorities wish most to silence. Amster lets us hear from himself 
as well; after all, as the reader soon discovers, he_s as much a part of 
the case, of the spatial conflict he documents, as anyone else. Put 
differently, Randall Amster didn_t just write this book, he lived it _ and 
has continued living it for years. Because of this, because of his own 
integration of erudition and human engagement, he accomplishes 
something seldom seen, even in the best of scholarship: he takes us 
from a little patch of Arizona sidewalk to the largest of social concerns, 
to the very heart of contemporary society and its constructions of crime 
and social control. 
	And it is here that the outrage emerges _ and rightly so. Amster 
meticulously documents the insidious erosion of public space in society
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Foreword
and with it the undermining of the spatial foundations on which 
democracy and community are built. He unflinchingly records the 
mean-spirited strategies by which public space is today cleansed of the 
homeless, the marginalized, and the itinerant; as he shows, the 
contemporary political economy of urban space is not a pretty one, no 
matter how many flowers are planted, no matter how many high-end 
shops are erected. Most revealingly, he exposes the campaigns of 
obfuscation through which political and economic authorities go about 
this work, exposing also those powerful groups and individuals who 
lack even the courage to acknowledge what they seek to accomplish. In 
all this, Amster pulls down the cheap facades of _civility_ and _urban 
redevelopment_ that the powerful have erected in today_s urban spaces, 
revealing instead emerging configurations of inequality and injustice 
that stretch from the cities of Canada to those of South Africa.
	Together, this mix of erudition, engagement, and outrage makes 
Lost in Space a model of critical scholarship _ and one of the very best 
analyses of contemporary spatial control that I have seen. But while a 
scathing indictment of economic domination and anti-democratic 
public policy, the book is at the same time a handbook of hope, a 
chronicle of direct resistance to a tightening circle of enforced 
conformity. You see, as it turns out, Randall Amster wasn_t only a 
participant in the case he documents; he was a primary force in 
organizing resistance, in turning a case of urban control into a defense 
of public space. If reading Lost in Space doesn_t get you in the mood 
for hope and resistance, doesn_t encourage you to think hard about the 
very nature of spatial democracy and social justice, then I_d suggest 
you read it again, this time with an eye toward outrage.
Jeff Ferrell
March 2008
PREFACE
This is both a new book and an old book at the same time. It is new in 
the sense that the processes and phenomena described here are, to 
greater or lesser degrees, now happening in nearly every city across the 
United States and the world over. Exploring a decade of events in one 
particular locale (namely Tempe, Arizona) gives insight into processes 
taking shape nearly everywhere, indicating that an investigation of a 
single piece of a whole reveals something of the nature of that whole. 
While they may not hold true all the time, lessons learned from a 
micro-exploration illuminate our understandings of macro trends. 
Indeed, indigenous cosmologies often devolved upon such a vision of 
the world, and now modern physics has traced back to the same 
conclusion: the workings of the entire universe are related to and 
reflective of the life of a single particle. By analogy, a case study of one 
city would tell us something about cities in general, and to that end 
cities across the U.S. and around the globe are compared in this new 
work. Furthermore, an investigation of any particular social issue will 
suggest ways of understanding all social issues, and while this is not to 
imply a literal one-to-one mapping across a range of problems _ for 
instance, racism and littering may appear to be quite different matters _ 
there are still common threads to be explored, analogies to be drawn, 
and reflexive relationships to be found. This to me is the essence of an 
ecological perspective, and its teachings form the framing of this work.
	Having said that, it is also the case that this is in some ways an old 
book. I have been investigating the particular issues that are front and 
center here _ the proliferation of homelessness, the privatization of 
space, the criminalization of status, and the globalization of these 
processes _ for the better part of a decade. I titled my dissertation 
Spatial Anomalies: Street People, Sidewalk Sitting, and the Contested 
Realms of Public Space, and completed it in 2002. Two years later, it 
became a book called Street People and the Contested Realms of Public 
Space, in which I updated the research and broadened the focus to 
include both additional locales and more voices. Now, with four more 
years having passed, I return to these familiar spheres of inquiry with 
renewed vigor and a simultaneous sense of trepidation and hopefulness, 
with the former due to a profound feeling that the problems I consider 
here have largely gotten worse, and the latter reflecting my strong sense
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that an awareness of this is now well known across a range of academic 
disciplines and in nearly every corner of the globe. While I am grateful 
that earlier versions of this work have played some small role in the 
dissemination of a critical perspective on these important social issues, 
I am also aware that we need new ways of looking at old problems and 
that the map of the world quite literally keeps changing. Here then is 
my attempt to connect the dots of the old with the needs of the new.
	The world has undergone profound changes in the last few years. 
The full implications of the so-called _war on terror_ have begun to sink 
in, with war economies, surveillance societies, crackdowns on dissent, 
and hostilities toward _others_ now prevalent. Similarly, the full 
dimensions of _corporate globalization_ are being felt by people 
everywhere, including the dismantling of social safety nets, the loss of 
unique cultural identities, the relentless extraction of natural resources, 
and the ongoing immiseration of low-wage (or even no-wage) workers. 
Further, global awareness of environmental issues has been aroused by 
phenomena including the ubiquity of _climate change_ as a potentially 
apocalyptic scenario, the increasing shortages of basic resources such 
as water, the regular extinctions of animal species, and the worldwide 
health threats posed by toxins. The simultaneity of these three dominant 
examples of an emerging consciousness _ militarization, globalization, 
and environmental degradation _ is most definitely not coincidental. 
Indeed, the issue of homelessness is one moment where they all 
connect: veterans returning from war sometimes wind up on the streets; 
neoliberal economics pushes people to the margins; and global 
warming contributes to hurricanes and tsunamis that uproot people. All 
of this suggests the value of an ecological perspective on homelessness.
	And that brings me back to the gist of this work, where I strive to 
maintain a perspective that focuses upon interconnections, reflexive 
relationships, and root causes (a deeper meaning of the word _radical_). 
In the life story of a single homeless person, there is a kernel that 
speaks to the global forces noted above. Likewise, in one parcel of 
public space becoming private there is a metaphor for what is 
happening to the entire planet itself. When franchised _chain stores_ 
take over the downtown of a particular city, it renders that place largely 
indistinguishable from all other places where the same has occurred. 
And when a local contingent resists these processes, they are in fact 
confronting forces of oppression and totalization that occur the world 
over. It is in this spirit that I offer this small work for your 
consideration and, hopefully, your inspiration to continue the struggle
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Many are due thanks for their assistance and support in sustaining this 
project over the past decade, and while I forbear to list everyone here, a 
few are notable for their unique contributions. Pat Lauderdale helped 
set the tone and establish the framework for the study, sharpening 
queries and checking realities throughout in ways for which I remain 
deeply grateful. Jeff Ferrell_s gracious agreement to write the foreword 
to this volume is deeply appreciated; his words and deeds continue to 
inspire the intellect and incite the imagination. Luis Fernandez and 
Mare Schumacher contributed many insights along the way that added 
numerous dimensions to the project. Gabriel Kuhn read drafts of many 
of the chapters in various forms over the years, offering new 
perspectives and positive encouragement. Leo Balk and the editors at 
LFB provided invaluable assistance in bringing this work to fruition. 
The Center for Urban Inquiry at Arizona State University generously 
provided funding during the crucial early research phases of the project. 
My parents, sister, and brother-in-law all provided support and 
sounding-board moments throughout the duration. Kathleen Halbert 
shared in the tribulations of the writing, graciously edited the final 
manuscript, and lovingly endured the all-consuming nature of the 
process. My children, Arlo and Zeno, are the reason I write at all.
Parts of this work have appeared in journals as earlier versions and 
works in progress, for which I am grateful to the respective editors and 
reviewers. Portions of Chapter Four appeared in the Humboldt Journal 
of Social Relations, while aspects of Chapter Two were initially 
inspired by articles appearing in both Anarchist Studies and the 
Contemporary Justice Review. A significant part of Chapter Three 
comprised an article for Social Justice and was further honed in talks 
sponsored by the Free to Camp Coalition and the Arizona Coalition to 
End Homelessness, while aspects of Chapter Seven were developed in 
a keynote address for the Local to Global Justice annual teach-in. 
Finally, the emerging urban ecology framework suggested throughout 
this volume was partly cultivated in a workshop facilitated at the 
Master of Arts Program colloquium at Prescott College.
Notwithstanding the generous support and 
encouragement offered and received throughout, any 
omissions, errata, misconceptions, or other shortcomings 
are the author_s responsibility alone.
Xiii

Library of Congress Subject Headings for this publication:

Homelessness.
Homelessness -- Arizona -- Tempe.
Urban ecology.
Public spaces.
Homeless persons.
Crime and globalization.