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Contents Preface vii Introduction ix Chapter 1 Weapons of Influence 1 Click, Whirr 2 Betting the Shortcut Odds 6 The Profiteers 10 Jujitsu 12 Summary 16 Study Questions 16 Chapter 2 Reciprocation: The Old Give and Take . . . and Take 18 How the Rule Works 22 The Rule Is Overpowering 23 Politics 26 The Not-So-Free Sample 28 The Rule Enforces Uninvited Debts 31 The Rule Can Trigger Unequal Exchanges 33 Reciprocal Concessions 35 Rejection-Then-Retreat 37 Reciprocal Concessions, Perceptual Contrast, and the Watergate Mystery 40 Damned If You Do, Damned If You Don¿t 42 Here¿s My Blood, and Do Call Again 43 The Sweet, Secret Side Effects 44 Responsibility 44 Satisfaction 45 Defense 45 Rejecting the Rule 45 Smoking Out the Enemy 47 Summary 49 Study Questions 50 Chapter 3 Commitment and Consistency: Hobgoblins of the Mind 51 Whirring Along 53 The Quick Fix 54 The Foolish Fortress 54 Seek and Hide 56 Commitment Is the Key 59 Hearts and Minds 66 The Magic Act 67 The Public Eye 71 The Effort Extra 73 The Inner Choice 79 Growing Legs to Stand On 83 Standing Up for the Public Good 86 Defense 89 Stomach Signs 89 Heart-of-Hearts Signs 91 Special Vulnerabilities 93 Summary 95 Study Questions 96 Chapter 4 Social Proof: Truths Are Us 97 The Principle of Social Proof 99 People Power 99 After the Deluge 102 Cause of Death: Uncertain(ty) 109 A Scientific Approach 113 Devictimizing Yourself 115 Monkey Me, Monkey Do 117 Monkey Die 120 Monkey Island 128 Defense 131 Sabotage 132 Looking Up 135 Summary 138 Study Questions 139 Chapter 5 Liking: The Friendly Thief 141 Making Friends to Influence People 144 Why Do I Like You? Let Me List the Reasons 146 Physical Attractiveness 146 Similarity 148 Compliments 149 Contact and Cooperation 151 Off to Camp 154 Back to School 156 Conditioning and Association 159 Does the Name Pavlov Ring a Bell? 163 From the News and Weather to the Sports 166 Defense 170 Summary 172 Study Questions 172 Chapter 6 Authority: Directed Deference 174 The Power of Authority Pressure 176 The Allures and Dangers of Blind Obedience 180 Connotation Not Content 184 Titles 184 Clothes 186 Trappings 190 Defense 191 Authoritative Authority 191 Sly Sincerity 192 Summary 195 Study Questions 196 Chapter 7 Scarcity: The Rule of the Few 198 Less Is Best and Loss Is Worst 199 Limited Numbers 200 Time Limits 207 Psychological Reactance 203 Adult Reactance: Love, Guns, and Suds 206 Censorship 210 Optimal Conditions 213 New Scarcity: Costlier Cookies and Civil Conflict 213 Competition for Scarce Resources: Foolish Fury 217 Defense 221 Summary 225 Study Questions 226 Chapter 8 Instant Influence: Primitive Consent for an Automatic Age 227 Primitive Automaticity 228 Modern Automaticity 230 Shortcuts Shall Be Sacred 231 Summary 233 Study Questions 234 References 235 Index 251 About the Author Robert B. Cialdini is Regents¿ Professor of Psychology at Arizona State University, where he has also been named Graduate Distinguished Research Professor. He received undergraduate, graduate, and postgraduate training in psychology from the University of Wisconsin, the University of North Carolina, and Columbia University, respectively. He is past president of the Society of Personality and Social Psychology. He attributes his long-standing interest in the intricacies of social influence to the fact that he was raised in an entirely Italian family, in a predominantly Polish neighborhood, in a historically German city (Milwaukee), in an otherwise rural state. Preface The initial version of Influence was designed for the popular reader, and as such, an attempt was made to write it in an engaging style. In the subsequent versions, that style is retained, but in addition, I present the research evidence for my statements, recommendations, and conclusions. Although they are dramatized and corroborated through such devices as interviews, quotes, and systematic personal observations, the conclusions of Influence are based on controlled, psychological research. This fact allows the reader to feel confident that the book is not ¿pop¿ psychology but represents work that is scientifically grounded. The subsequent versions also provide new and updated material, chapter summaries, and study questions to enhance its utility. A potentially attractive feature of the present version of Influence lies in its ability to serve as an enjoyable, practical, yet scientifically documented offering. In a related vein, the book might be seen as a way to demonstrate that, properly presented, what often seems like dry science can actually prove to be lively, useful, and relevant to all readers¿ personal lives. Comment On The Fifth Edition Of Influence: Science And Practice It has been some time since Influence was last published. In the interim, some things have happened that deserve a place in this new edition. First, we now know more about the influence process than before. The study of persuasion, compliance, and change has advanced, and the pages that follow have been adapted to reflect that progress. In addition to an overall update of the material, I have devoted special attention to research on cross-cultural social influence¿how the influence process works similarly or differently in various human cultures. I have alsoexpanded a feature that was stimulated by the responses of prior readers. This feature highlights the experiences of individuals who have read Influence, recognized how one of the principles worked on (or for) them in a particular instance, and wrote to me describing the event. Their descriptions, which appear in the ¿Reader¿s Reports¿ in each chapter, illustrate how easily and frequently we can fall victim to the influence process in our everyday lives. An array of people deserve and have my appreciation for their aid in making Influence possible. Several of my academic colleagues read and provided perceptive comments on the entire manuscript in its initial draft form, greatly strengthening the subsequent version. They are Gus Levine, Doug Kenrick, Art Beaman, and Mark Zanna. In addition, the first draft was read by a few family members and friends¿Richard and Gloria Cialdini, Bobette Gorden, and Ted Hall¿who offered not only much-needed emotional support but insightful substantive commentary as well. A second, larger group provided helpful suggestions for selected chapters or groups of chapters: Todd Anderson, Sandy Braver, Catherine Chambers, Judi Cialdini, Nancy Eisenberg, Larry Ettkin, Joanne Gersten, Jeff Goldstein, Betsy Hans, Valerie Hans, Joe Hepworth, Holly Hunt, Ann Inskeep, Barry Leshowitz, Darwyn Linder, Debbie Littler, John Mowen, Igor Pavlov, Janis Posner, Trish Puryear, Marilyn Rall, John Reich, Peter Reingen, Diane Ruble, Phyllis Sensenig, Roman Sherman, and Henry Wellman. Certain people were instrumental at the beginning stages. John Staley was the first publishing professional to recognize the project¿s potential. Jim Sherman, Al Goethals, John Keating, Dan Wagner, Dalmas Taylor, Wendy Wood, and David Watson provided early, positive reviews that encouraged author and editors alike. My editors at Allyn and Bacon, Carolyn Merrill and Jodi Devine, were consistently congenial, helpful, and insightful. I would like to thank the following users of the third edition for their feedback during a telephone survey: Emory Griffin, Wheaton College; Robert Levine, California State, Fresno; Jeffrey Lewin, Georgia State University; David Miller, Daytona Beach Community College; Lois Mohr, Georgia State University; and Richard Rogers, Daytona Beach Community College. The third edition benefited substantially from the reviews of Assaad Azzi, Yale University; Robert M. Brady, University of Arkansas; Brian M. Cohen, University of Texas at San Antonio; Christian B. Crandall, University of Florida; Catherine Goodwin, University of Alaska; Robert G. Lowder, Bradley University; James W. Michael, Jr., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University; Eugene P. Sheehan, University of Northern Colorado; Jefferson A. Singer, Connecticut College; and Sandi W. Smith, Michigan State University. Thanks to the following reviewers of this new edition: Brian Smith, Graceland University; A. Celeste Farr, North Carolina State University; Arthur Frankel, Salve Regina University; Maria Czyzewska, Texas State University; and Amy M. Buddie, Kennesaw State University. Finally, throughout the project, no one was more on my side than Bobette Gorden, who lived every word with me. I wish to thank the following individuals who¿either directly or through their course instructors¿contributed the ¿Reader¿s Reports¿ used in past editions: Pat Bobbs, Annie Carto, William Cooper, Alicia Friedman, William Graziano, Mark Hastings, Endayehu Kendie, Danuta Lubnicka, James Michaels, Steven Moysey, Paul Nail, Alan J. Resnik, Daryl Retzlaff, Geofrey Rosenberger, Dan Swift, and Karla Vasks. Special thanks are due to those who provided new Reader¿s Reports for this edition: Hartnut Bock, Michael Conroy, Jonathan Harries, Karen Klawer (2), Katie Mueller, Paul Nail, Dan Norris, Sam Omar, Joanna Spychala, and Robert Stauth. I would also like to invite new readers to contribute similar ¿Reports¿ for possible publication in a future edition. They can be sent to me at the Department of Psychology, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287-1104 or [email protected] Finally, more influence-relevant information can be obtained at Influenceatwork.com. R.B.C. Introduction I can admit it freely now. All my life I¿ve been a patsy. For as long as I can recall, I¿ve been an easy mark for the pitches of peddlers, fund-raisers, and operators of one sort or another. True, only some of these people have had dishonorable motives. The others¿representatives of certain charitable agencies, for instance¿have had the best of intentions. No matter. With personally disquieting frequency, I have always found myself in possession of unwanted magazine subscriptions or tickets to the sanitation workers¿ ball. Probably this long-standing status as sucker accounts for my interest in the study of compliance: Just what are the factors that cause one person to say yes to another person? And which techniques most effectively use these factors to bring about such compliance? I have wondered why it is that a request stated in a certain way will be rejected, but a request that asks for the same favor in a slightly different fashion will be successful. So in my role as an experimental social psychologist, I began to research the psychology of compliance. At first the research took the form of experiments performed, for the most part, in my laboratory and on college students. I wanted to find out which psychological principles influenced the tendency to comply with a request. Right now, psychologists know quite a bit about these principles¿what they are and how they work. I have characterized such principles as weapons of influence and will be discussing some of the most important of them in this book. After a time, though, I began to realize that the experimental work, while necessary, wasn¿t enough. It didn¿t allow me to judge the importance of the principles in the world beyond the psychology building and the campus where I was examining them. It became clear that if I was to understand fully the psychology of compliance, I would need to broaden my scope of investigation. I would need to look to the compliance professionals¿the people who had been using the principles on me all my life. They know what works and what doesn¿t; the law of survival of the fittest assures it. Their business is to make us comply, and their livelihoods depend on it. Those who don¿t know how to get people to say yes soon fall away; those who do, stay and flourish. Of course, the compliance professionals aren¿t the only ones who know about and use these principles to help them get their way. We all employ them and fall victim to them to some degree in our daily interactions with neighbors, friends, lovers, and family. But the compliance practitioners have much more than the vague and amateurish understanding of what works than the rest of us have. As I thought about it, I knew that they represented the richest vein of information about compliance available to me. For nearly three years, then, I combined my experimental studies with a decidedly more entertaining program: I systematically immersed myself in the world of compliance professionals¿salespeople, fund-raisers, advertisers, and others. My purpose was to observe, from the inside, the techniques and strategies most commonly and effectively used by a broad range of compliance practitioners. That program of observation sometimes took the form of interviews with the practitioners themselves and sometimes with the natural enemies (for example, police bunco-squad officers, consumer agencies) of certain of the practitioners. At other times, it involved an intensive examination of the written materials by which compliance techniques are passed down from one generation to another¿sales manuals and the like. Most frequently, though, it took the form of participant observation. Participant observation is a research approach in which the researcher becomes a spy of sorts. With disguised identity and intent, the investigator infiltrates the setting of interest and becomes a full-fledged participant in the group to be studied. So when I wanted to learn about the compliance tactics of encyclopedia (or vacuum cleaner, or portrait photography, or dance lesson) sales organizations, I would answer a newspaper ad for sales trainees and have them teach me their methods. Using similar but not identical approaches, I was able to penetrate advertising, public relations, and fund-raising agencies to examine their techniques. Much of the evidence presented in this book, then, comes from my experience posing as a compliance professional, or aspiring professional, in a large variety of organizations dedicated to getting us to say yes. One aspect of what I learned in this three-year period of participant observation was most instructive. Although there are thousands of different tactics that compliance practitioners employ to produce yes, the majority fall within six basic categories. Each of these categories is governed by a fundamental psychological principle that directs human behavior and, in so doing, gives the tactics their power. This book is organized around these six principles. The principles¿reciprocation, consistency, social proof, liking, authority, and scarcity¿are each discussed in terms of their function in the society and in terms of how their enormous force can be commissioned by a compliance professional who deftly incorporates them into requests for purchases, donations, concessions, votes, or assent.1 Finally, each principle is examined as to its ability to produce a distinct kind of automatic, mindless compliance from people, that is, a willingness to say yes without thinking first. The evidence suggests that the ever-accelerating pace and informational crush of modern life will make this particular form of unthinking compliance more and more prevalent in the future. It will be increasingly important for the society, therefore, to understand the how and why of automatic influence. 1It is worth noting that I have not included among the six principles the simple rule of material self-interest: that people want to get the most and pay the least for their choices. This omission does not stem from any perception on my part that the desire to maximize benefits and minimize costs is unimportant in driving our decisions. Nor does it come from any evidence that I have that compliance professionals ignore the power of this rule. Quite the opposite: in my investigations, I frequently saw practitioners use (sometimes honestly, sometimes not) the compelling ¿I can give you a good deal¿ approach. I chose not to treat the material self-interest rule separately in this book because I see it as a motivational given, as a goes-without-saying factor that deserves acknowledgment, but not extensive description.
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