Table of contents for Influence : science and practice / Robert B. Cialdini.

Bibliographic record and links to related information available from the Library of Congress catalog.

Note: Contents data are machine generated based on pre-publication provided by the publisher. Contents may have variations from the printed book or be incomplete or contain other coding.

Preface     vii
Introduction     ix
Chapter 1	Weapons of Influence     1
Click, Whirr     2
Betting the Shortcut Odds     6
The Profiteers     10
Jujitsu     12
Summary     16
Study Questions     16
Chapter 2	Reciprocation: The Old Give and Take . . . and Take     18
How the Rule Works     22
The Rule Is Overpowering     23
Politics     26
The Not-So-Free Sample     28
The Rule Enforces Uninvited Debts     31
The Rule Can Trigger Unequal Exchanges     33
Reciprocal Concessions     35
Rejection-Then-Retreat     37
Reciprocal Concessions, Perceptual Contrast, and the Watergate Mystery     40
Damned If You Do, Damned If You Don¿t     42
Here¿s My Blood, and Do Call Again     43
The Sweet, Secret Side Effects     44
Responsibility     44
Satisfaction     45
Defense     45
Rejecting the Rule     45
Smoking Out the Enemy     47
Summary     49
Study Questions     50
Chapter 3	Commitment and Consistency: Hobgoblins of the Mind     51
Whirring Along     53
The Quick Fix     54
The Foolish Fortress     54
Seek and Hide     56
Commitment Is the Key     59
Hearts and Minds     66
The Magic Act     67
The Public Eye     71
The Effort Extra     73
The Inner Choice     79
Growing Legs to Stand On     83
Standing Up for the Public Good     86
Defense     89
Stomach Signs     89
Heart-of-Hearts Signs     91
Special Vulnerabilities	93
Summary     95
Study Questions     96
Chapter 4	Social Proof: Truths Are Us     97
The Principle of Social Proof     99
People Power     99
After the Deluge     102
Cause of Death: Uncertain(ty)     109
A Scientific Approach     113
Devictimizing Yourself     115
Monkey Me, Monkey Do     117
Monkey Die     120
Monkey Island     128
Defense     131
Sabotage    132
Looking Up     135
Summary     138
Study Questions     139
Chapter 5	Liking: The Friendly Thief     141
Making Friends to Influence People     144
Why Do I Like You? Let Me List the Reasons     146
Physical Attractiveness     146
Similarity     148
Compliments     149
Contact and Cooperation     151
Off to Camp     154
Back to School     156
Conditioning and Association     159
Does the Name Pavlov Ring a Bell?     163
From the News and Weather to the Sports     166
Defense     170
Summary     172
Study Questions     172
Chapter 6  Authority: Directed Deference     174
The Power of Authority Pressure     176
The Allures and Dangers of Blind Obedience     180
Connotation Not Content     184
Titles     184
Clothes     186
Trappings     190
Defense     191
Authoritative Authority     191
Sly Sincerity     192
Summary     195
Study Questions     196
Chapter 7  Scarcity: The Rule of the Few     198
Less Is Best and Loss Is Worst     199
Limited Numbers     200
Time Limits     207
Psychological Reactance     203
Adult Reactance: Love, Guns, and Suds     206
Censorship     210
Optimal Conditions     213
New Scarcity: Costlier Cookies and Civil Conflict     213
Competition for Scarce Resources: Foolish Fury     217
Defense     221
Summary     225
Study Questions     226
Chapter 8	Instant Influence: Primitive Consent for an Automatic Age    227
Primitive Automaticity     228
Modern Automaticity     230
Shortcuts Shall Be Sacred     231
Summary     233
Study Questions     234
References     235
Index     251
About the Author
Robert B. Cialdini is Regents¿ Professor of Psychology at Arizona State University, where he has also been named Graduate Distinguished Research Professor. He received undergraduate, graduate, and postgraduate training in psychology from the University of Wisconsin, the University of North Carolina, and Columbia University, respectively. He is past president of the Society of Personality and Social Psychology.
He attributes his long-standing interest in the intricacies of social influence to the fact that he was raised in an entirely Italian family, in a predominantly Polish neighborhood, in a historically German city (Milwaukee), in an otherwise rural state.
The initial version of Influence was designed for the popular reader, and as such, an attempt was made to write it in an engaging style. In the subsequent versions, that style is retained, but in addition, I present the research evidence for my statements, recommendations, and conclusions. Although they are dramatized and corroborated through such devices as interviews, quotes, and systematic personal observations, the conclusions of Influence are based on controlled, psychological research. This fact allows the reader to feel confident that the book is not ¿pop¿ psychology but represents work that is scientifically grounded. The subsequent versions also provide new and updated material, chapter summaries, and study questions to enhance its utility.
A potentially attractive feature of the present version of Influence lies in its ability to serve as an enjoyable, practical, yet scientifically documented offering. In a related vein, the book might be seen as a way to demonstrate that, properly presented, what often seems like dry science can actually prove to be lively, useful, and relevant to all readers¿ personal lives.
Comment On The Fifth Edition Of Influence: Science And Practice
It has been some time since Influence was last published. In the interim, some things have happened that deserve a place in this new edition. First, we now know more about the influence process than before. The study of persuasion, compliance, and change has advanced, and the pages that follow have been adapted to reflect that progress. In addition to an overall update of the material, I have devoted special attention to research on cross-cultural social influence¿how the influence process works similarly or differently in various human cultures. I have alsoexpanded a feature that was stimulated by the responses of prior readers.
This feature highlights the experiences of individuals who have read Influence, recognized how one of the principles worked on (or for) them in a particular instance, and wrote to me describing the event. Their descriptions, which appear in the ¿Reader¿s Reports¿ in each chapter, illustrate how easily and frequently we can fall victim to the influence process in our everyday lives.
An array of people deserve and have my appreciation for their aid in making Influence possible. Several of my academic colleagues read and provided perceptive comments on the entire manuscript in its initial draft form, greatly strengthening the subsequent version. They are Gus Levine, Doug Kenrick, Art Beaman, and Mark Zanna. In addition, the first draft was read by a few family members and friends¿Richard and Gloria Cialdini, Bobette Gorden, and Ted Hall¿who offered not only much-needed emotional support but insightful substantive commentary as well.
A second, larger group provided helpful suggestions for selected chapters or groups of chapters: Todd Anderson, Sandy Braver, Catherine Chambers, Judi Cialdini, Nancy Eisenberg, Larry Ettkin, Joanne Gersten, Jeff Goldstein, Betsy Hans, Valerie Hans, Joe Hepworth, Holly Hunt, Ann Inskeep, Barry Leshowitz, Darwyn Linder, Debbie Littler, John Mowen, Igor Pavlov, Janis Posner, Trish Puryear, Marilyn Rall, John Reich, Peter Reingen, Diane Ruble, Phyllis Sensenig, Roman Sherman, and Henry Wellman.
Certain people were instrumental at the beginning stages. John Staley was the first publishing professional to recognize the project¿s potential. Jim Sherman, Al Goethals, John Keating, Dan Wagner, Dalmas Taylor, Wendy Wood, and David Watson provided early, positive reviews that encouraged author and editors alike. My editors at Allyn and Bacon, Carolyn Merrill and Jodi Devine, were consistently congenial, helpful, and insightful. I would like to thank the following users of the third edition for their feedback during a telephone survey: Emory Griffin, Wheaton College; Robert Levine, California State, Fresno; Jeffrey Lewin, Georgia State University; David Miller, Daytona Beach Community College; Lois Mohr, Georgia State University; and Richard Rogers, Daytona Beach Community College. The third edition benefited substantially from the reviews of Assaad Azzi, Yale University; Robert M. Brady, University of Arkansas; Brian M. Cohen, University of Texas at San Antonio; Christian B. Crandall, University of Florida; Catherine Goodwin, University of Alaska; Robert G. Lowder, Bradley University; James W. Michael, Jr., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University; Eugene P. Sheehan, University of Northern Colorado; Jefferson A. Singer, Connecticut College; and Sandi W. Smith, Michigan State University. Thanks to the following reviewers of this new edition: Brian Smith, Graceland University; A. Celeste Farr, North Carolina State University; Arthur Frankel, Salve Regina University; Maria Czyzewska, Texas State University; and Amy M. Buddie, Kennesaw State University.
Finally, throughout the project, no one was more on my side than Bobette Gorden, who lived every word with me.
I wish to thank the following individuals who¿either directly or through their course instructors¿contributed the ¿Reader¿s Reports¿ used in past editions: Pat Bobbs, Annie Carto, William Cooper, Alicia Friedman, William Graziano, Mark Hastings, Endayehu Kendie, Danuta Lubnicka, James Michaels, Steven Moysey, Paul Nail, Alan J. Resnik, Daryl Retzlaff, Geofrey Rosenberger, Dan Swift, and Karla Vasks. Special thanks are due to those who provided new Reader¿s Reports for this edition: Hartnut Bock, Michael Conroy, Jonathan Harries, Karen Klawer (2), Katie Mueller, Paul Nail, Dan Norris, Sam Omar, Joanna Spychala, and Robert Stauth.
I would also like to invite new readers to contribute similar ¿Reports¿ for possible publication in a future edition. They can be sent to me at the Department of Psychology, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287-1104 or [email protected] Finally, more influence-relevant information can be obtained at
I can admit it freely now. All my life I¿ve been a patsy. For as long as I can recall, I¿ve been an easy mark for the pitches of peddlers, fund-raisers, and operators of one sort or another. True, only some of these people have had dishonorable motives. The others¿representatives of certain charitable agencies, for instance¿have had the best of intentions. No matter. With personally disquieting frequency, I have always found myself in possession of unwanted magazine subscriptions or tickets to the sanitation workers¿ ball. Probably this long-standing status as sucker accounts for my interest in the study of compliance: Just what are the factors that cause one person to say yes to another person? And which techniques most effectively use these factors to bring about such compliance? I have wondered why it is that a request stated in a certain way will be rejected, but a request that asks for the same favor in a slightly different fashion will be successful.
So in my role as an experimental social psychologist, I began to research the psychology of compliance. At first the research took the form of experiments performed, for the most part, in my laboratory and on college students. I wanted to find out which psychological principles influenced the tendency to comply with a request. Right now, psychologists know quite a bit about these principles¿what they are and how they work. I have characterized such principles as weapons of influence and will be discussing some of the most important of them in this book.
After a time, though, I began to realize that the experimental work, while necessary, wasn¿t enough. It didn¿t allow me to judge the importance of the principles in the world beyond the psychology building and the campus where I was examining them. It became clear that if I was to understand fully the psychology of compliance, I would need to broaden my scope of investigation. I would need to look to the compliance professionals¿the people who had been using the principles on me all my life. They know what works and what doesn¿t; the law of survival of the fittest assures it. Their business is to make us comply, and their livelihoods depend on it. Those who don¿t know how to get people to say yes soon fall away; those who do, stay and flourish.
Of course, the compliance professionals aren¿t the only ones who know about and use these principles to help them get their way. We all employ them and fall victim to them to some degree in our daily interactions with neighbors, friends, lovers, and family. But the compliance practitioners have much more than the vague and amateurish understanding of what works than the rest of us have. As I thought about it, I knew that they represented the richest vein of information about compliance available to me. For nearly three years, then, I combined my experimental studies with a decidedly more entertaining program: I systematically immersed myself in the world of compliance professionals¿salespeople, fund-raisers, advertisers, and others.
My purpose was to observe, from the inside, the techniques and strategies most commonly and effectively used by a broad range of compliance practitioners. That program of observation sometimes took the form of interviews with the practitioners themselves and sometimes with the natural enemies (for example, police bunco-squad officers, consumer agencies) of certain of the practitioners. At other times, it involved an intensive examination of the written materials by which compliance techniques are passed down from one generation to another¿sales manuals and the like.
Most frequently, though, it took the form of participant observation. Participant observation is a research approach in which the researcher becomes a spy of sorts. With disguised identity and intent, the investigator infiltrates the setting of interest and becomes a full-fledged participant in the group to be studied. So when I wanted to learn about the compliance tactics of encyclopedia (or vacuum cleaner, or portrait photography, or dance lesson) sales organizations, I would answer a newspaper ad for sales trainees and have them teach me their methods. Using similar but not identical approaches, I was able to penetrate advertising, public relations, and fund-raising agencies to examine their techniques. Much of the evidence presented in this book, then, comes from my experience posing as a compliance professional, or aspiring professional, in a large variety of organizations dedicated to getting us to say yes.
One aspect of what I learned in this three-year period of participant observation was most instructive. Although there are thousands of different tactics that compliance practitioners employ to produce yes, the majority fall within six basic categories. Each of these categories is governed by a fundamental psychological principle that directs human behavior and, in so doing, gives the tactics their power. This book is organized around these six principles. The principles¿reciprocation, consistency, social proof, liking, authority, and scarcity¿are each discussed in terms of their function in the society and in terms of how their enormous force can be commissioned by a compliance professional who deftly incorporates them into requests for purchases, donations, concessions, votes, or assent.1
Finally, each principle is examined as to its ability to produce a distinct kind of automatic, mindless compliance from people, that is, a willingness to say yes without thinking first. The evidence suggests that the ever-accelerating pace and informational crush of modern life will make this particular form of unthinking compliance more and more prevalent in the future. It will be increasingly important for the society, therefore, to understand the how and why of automatic influence.
1It is worth noting that I have not included among the six principles the simple rule of material self-interest: that people want to get the most and pay the least for their choices. This omission does not stem from any perception on my part that the desire to maximize benefits and minimize costs is unimportant in driving our decisions. Nor does it come from any evidence that I have that compliance professionals ignore the power of this rule. Quite the opposite: in my investigations, I frequently saw practitioners use (sometimes honestly, sometimes not) the compelling ¿I can give you a good deal¿ approach. I chose not to treat the material self-interest rule separately in this book because I see it as a motivational given, as a goes-without-saying factor that deserves acknowledgment, but not extensive description.

Library of Congress Subject Headings for this publication:

Influence (Psychology).
Persuasion (Psychology).