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A Accounts, see Jefferson's memorandum concerning, 84 Adams, John, letter to, 116 Address of welcome of the officials of Norfolk, and reply, 556 Albemarle County, commissioners of the specific tax for, letters to, 590, 592, 594, 603 Alexandre, D., letter from, 169 American commissioners, from E. Brush, 616 Appleton, Thomas. See A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Arnoux, Abbe, letter to, 282 Assembly, National, extract from proceedings of, 197 Ast, William Frederick, letter to, 371 (note) B Baggage, list of, shipped by Jefferson from France, 375 Baker, Jerman, letter to, 670 Bancroft, Edward, letters from, 3, 59, 73, 200, 292, 352; letters to, 8, 39, 70, 160, 183, 270, 332, 476 Barail, Frimont de, letters from, 283, 369 Barlow, Joel. See A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Barrett, Nathaniel, letter to, 149 Bayard, letter from, 54 Bellanger, Madame Plumard de, letter from, 318 Berkeley, County Lieutenant of, letters to, 588, 594 Bingham, William, letter from, 55; letter to, 476 Bivins, James, letter to, from John Wayles, 655 Blackden, Samuel. See A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Bondfield, John, letters from, 63, 71, 74, 84, 147, 264, 383, 400, 464; letters to, 42, 218, 276, 371 Bordeaux, Archbishop of, letter from, 291; letter to, 298 Boyd, Ker & Co., letter from, [78]; letter to, 9 Boyd, Walter, letter from, 487; letter to, 503 Brac de la Perriere, letter from, 250 Brailsford & Morris, letter to, 99; letter to, from Jacob Vernes, 543 Brissot de Warville, letters from, 64, [321] Broome, Samuel, letter from, 92 Brossier, James I., letters from, 237, 354; letter to, 316 Broutin, Madame Denise, letter from, 278; letter to, 272 Brush, E., letter from, to the American Commissioners, 616 Buchanan, James, letter to, 592 Buffon, letter from, 635 C Cahierre, Paul, letter from, 174; letter to, 183 Cambray, letter from, 347; letters to, 345, 407 Campbell, Arthur, letters from, 596, 597 Campbell, William, letter to, 588 Carmichael, William, letter from, 340; letters to, 103, 307, 336, 418 Carr, Martha Jefferson, letters from, 612, 618, 626, 632, 634, 636, 639; letter to, 620 Carr, Peter, letter from, 155. See also Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 Cary, Wilson Miles, letter from, 561 Cassini, Jean Dominique de, letter to, 237 Cathalan, Stephen, Jr., letters from, 43, 127, 213, 321, 408; letters to, 310, 372 Cavelier, fils, letters from, 203, 303, 336; letters to, 310, 423 (note) Chardon, letter from, 261 Charpentier, letter from, [16] Chauvier, Pere, letter to, 430; letter to, from Perrin, 461 Chiappe, Francisco, letter to, 405 Chiappe, Giuseppe, letter to, 405 (note) Churchman, John, letter from, 129; letter to, 439 Claiborne, Richard, letter from, 107 Clark, George Rogers, letter from, 609 Clay, Rev. Charles, letter to, 571 Clerisseau, Charles Louis, letter to, 172 Coffyn, Francis, letter to, 423 Cointeraux, Francois, letters from, 184, 379 Colley, Nathaniel, memorandum to, 546 Collow Freres, Carmichael & Co., letter from, 378; letter to, 410 Commissioners of the United States Treasury, letter to, 125; letter from, to Willink & Van Staphorst, 41; letter to, from Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 474 Condorcet, letter from, 419 Continental Congress, Marine Committee of, 583 Corny, Madame de, letter from, 554; letter to, 520 Cosway, Maria, letters from, 339, 351, 513; letters to, 142, 305, 413, 521 Crevecoeur, St. John de, letter to, 139 Crew, Robert, letter from, 353; letter to, 410 Currie, James, letter from, 562 Curson, Richard, letter to, 184 Cutting, John Brown, letters from, 144, 159, 175, 264, 293, 401, 414, 427, 440, 465, 499, 514; letters to, 173, 277, 411, 469, 523; letter from, to William Short, 529 Cutting, Nathaniel, letters from; 380, 419, 477, 480, 518; letters to, 373, 378, 411, 428, 436, 551; Extract from the Diary of, 490 D Dalzan, letter from, 233 D'Anterroches, letters from, 51, 86 David, Veuve, & fils, letters from, 220, 344; letter to, 311 Dawson, William Jones, letter from, 256 Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales, documents concerning, 642-677: Editorial note, 643; Farell & Jones to Jefferson, 662; Farell & Jones to Richard Randolph, 656, 662, 663, 664, 666, 667, 668, 670; Farell & Jones to John Wayles, 649, 651; Farell & Jones to Wayles & Randolph, 651, 652, 656, 667; John Wayles to John Thompson, 649; John Wayles to Farell & Jones, 653 (2); John Wayles to James Bivins, 655; Jefferson to Farell & Jones, 657; Jefferson to Jerman Baker, 670; William Jones to Richard Randolph, 672; William Jones to Richard Hanson, 676; State of Farell & Jones judgment against John Randolph, 672; memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674; Sales of slaves imported in The Prince of Wales, 654 Declaration of Rights, Lafayette's draft of, 230 Delaire, Thomas, letter from, 547 De Lormerie, letters from, 155, 478 Descamets, letter from, [4] De Valady, letter from, 483 Diodati, letter from, 303, letter to, 325 Diriks, Jacob Gerrit, letter from, 173; letter to, 184 Dowse, Edward, letter from, 563 Drago, Gaetan, letters from, 89, 205 Drayton, William, letter to, 101 Dumas, C.W.F., letters from, 21, 78, 298, 305, 349, 443, 545; letters to, 311, 317, 421; letter from, to William Short, 201 Dupont, Pierre Samuel, letter from, [421] Durival, Jean, letter to, 49 Duvivier, Pierre Simon, letters from, [42], [174] The Earth Belongs in Usufruct to the Living, documents concerning; 384-398: Editorial note, 384; proposition submitted by Richard Gem, 391; letter from Jefferson, to Madison, 392; letter from Jefferson, to Gem, 398 E Enville, Madame d', letter from, 454 Eppes, Elizabeth Wayles, letters from, 628, 637; letter to, 624 Eppes, Francis, letters from, 572, 574, 575, 576, 615, 623, 625, 628, 631, 632, 636; letters to, 370, 621. See also Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 F Fabbroni, Giovanni, letters to, 149, 308 Farmers-General, memoir on salt by, 488 Farell & Jones, letter from, 662; letter to, 657; letters from, to John Wayles, 649, 651; letters from, to Wayles & Randolph, 651, 652, 656, 667; letters from, to Richard Randolph, 656, 662, 663, 664, 666, 667, 668, 670; letter to, from John Wayles, 653 (2); state of judgment against John Randolph, 672. See also Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674; Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales, 642 Fielding, Joseph, letter from, 528 Fitch, John, letter from, 641 Fitzgerald, John, letter to, 587 Fitz-Gerald, Robert, letter from, 129 Form letter for refusing requests for use of Jefferson's influence, 487 Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 France. National Assembly, extract from proceedings of, 197; Jefferson's draft of a charter of rights for, 167; Lafayette's draft of Declaration of Rights for, 230 Fraser, John, letters from, 47, 296 G Gallwey, John, letters from, 57, 383; letter to, 43 (note), 371 (note) Geismar, letter from, 48 Gem, Richard, letter to, 398; proposition submitted by, concerning the power of one generation to bind another, 391 Gomez, Louis, letter from, 67 Gouvion, Jean Baptiste de, letter to, 346 Grand & Cie., letters from, 108, 109, 134, [320], 470; letters to, 69, 176, 521, 526 Grand, Ferdinand, letters from, 619, 629 Griffin, Samuel, letter to, 599 Guiraud, letter to, 423 (note) H Handy, Thomas, letter from, 525 Hanson, Richard, letter to, from William Jones, 676. See also Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 Haskell, Edward, letter from, 174. See also A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Hawkins, Benjamin, letter from, 506 Hopkins, Esek, Jefferson's outline of argument concerning insubordination of, 578 Hopkinson, Francis, letter from, 16 Houdetot, Madame d', letters from, 259, 281, 431; letter to, 423 Houdon, Jean Antoine, letter to, 238; proposals concerning an equestrian statue of Washington, 319 Hoyne, Kyran, letter from, 374 Hubbard, Nicolas, letter from, 119; letter to, 86 Huger, Benjamin, letter from, 186; letter to, 308 I Influence, form letter for refusing requests for use of Jefferson's, 487 Ingenhousz, Jan, letter from, 119 Inglis, Samuel, letter to, 571 Ingram, Messrs. Robert & Hugh, letter from, 339; letters to, 327, 349 Innes, Harry, commission for, 583 Izard, Ralph, letter from, 21; letter to, 443 J Jarvis, Benjamin. See A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Jay, John, letter from, 202; letters to, 110, 120, 126, 187, 205, 221, 284, 301, 314, 333, 339, 356, 373, 436, 454, 501, 524, 553 Jefferson, Martha, letter to, 638 Jefferson, Thomas, memorandum concerning public accounts, 84; list of baggage shipped from France, 375; the earth belongs in usufruct to the living, 384-398; passports issued by, 483; form letter for refusing requests for use of influence by, 487; address of welcome by the officials of Norfolk, and reply, 556; outline of argument concerning insubordination of Esek Hopkins, 578; militia return by, as County Lieutenant, 583 Jerningham, Edward, letter from, 96; letter to, 143 Jodrell, Paul, letter from, 478 Jones, Jonathan, letter from, 30 Jones, William, letters to, 131, 161, 507; letter from, to Richard Randolph, 672; letter from, to Richard Hanson, 676. See also Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles; Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Juries, list of books on, 282 K Kinloch, Francis, letter from, 71 Knox, Henry, letter to, 421 Koenig, Amand, letter from, 260; letters to, 223, 350 L La Brissane, letter from, 152 Lackington, James, letter to, 406 Lafayette, letters from, 166, 249, 254, 255, 354; letters to, 97, 165, 179, 250, 251, 252, 255, 256, [374]; draft of a Declaration of Rights, 230 Lafayette, Madame de, letter from, 630 La Lande, letter to, 346 La Luzerne, letter from, 602 Lamy, D., letter from, 159 La Platiere, Imbert de, letter to, 478 La Vingtrie, Bayard de, letter from, 514 Lee, Arthur, letter from, 598 Lee, Henry, letter to, 415 Lee, Richard Henry, letter from, 606; letter to, 577 LeRoy, Jean Baptiste, letter from, 80; letter to, 23 Lewis, Francis, letter from, 587 Lewis, Nicholas, letter to, 370 (note) Limozin, Andre, letters from, 18, 57, 70; letters to, 46, 86 Limozin, Edward, letter to, 312; letter from, 241 Limozin, Veuve, & fils, letter from, 237 Lincoln, Benjamin, letters from, 585, 586 Littlepage, Lewis, letter to, 105 Livingston, Walter. See Commissioners of the Treasury Ludlam, William, letter to, 432 M McCaul, Alexander, letter from, 212; letter to, 327 McClurg, James, letter from, 610; petition of, to the Governor and Council of Virginia, 584 MacCarthy Brothers, letter from, 31 Madison, James, letters from, 5, 114, 147, 153, 180, 224, 324, 509, 528; letters to, 121, 194, 299, 315, 364, 392, 438 Madison, Rev. James, letters from, 572, 605 Mareil, Guichard de, letter from, 74 Marine Committee of Congress, letter from, 583 Marks, Hastings, letter from, 93 Mason, George, letter from, [582] Mason, John, letters from, 265, 402; letters to, 277, 432 Maurice, James, letters from, 406, 416, 462, 479; letter to, 433 Mazzei, Philip, letter from, 613. See also A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Memoir on salt by Farmers-General, 488 Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 Memorandum concerning public accounts, 84 Metherie, Jean Claude de La, letter from, 127 Militia return by Jefferson as County Lieutenant, 583 Mirabeau Incident, documents concerning, 243-256: Editorial Note, 243; letters from Lafayette to Jefferson, 249, 254, 255; letters to Lafayette from Jefferson, 250, 251, 252, 255, 256; letter from Brac de la Perriere to Jefferson, 250; letter from Montmorin to Jefferson, 254; letter from Jefferson to Necker, 253; letter from Jefferson to Montmorin, 253 Montmorin, letters from, 254, 462; letters to, 253, 260 Morgan, George C., letter from, 266 Morris, Gouverneur, letter from [79], abstract of plan of American finances, 123 Morris, Robert, letter from, 609; letter to, 608 Moustier, letter from, 210; letter to, 141 Muter, George, letters to, 600, 601 N Necker, letters to, 253, 481; anonymous sketch of character of, 191 Necks, Lucy, letter to, 626 Nelson, Thomas, Jr., letters from, 601, 607 Noailles, letter from, 399 Norfolk, address of welcome of the officials of, and reply, 556 O O'Bryen, Richard, letter from, 181 Osgood, Samuel. See Commissioners of the Treasury Oster, Madame, letters from, 11, 54; letter to, 34 P Page, John, letter to, 593 Page, Mann, letter from, 604 Paine, Thomas, letters from, 193, 197, 274, 429, 449; letters to, 136, 266, 273, 279, 302, 424, 522 Paradise, John, letter from, 434; letters to, 242, 479. See also A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Paradise, Lucy Ludwell, letters from, 10, 51, 94, 130, 151, 164, 229, 281, 350, 379, 402, 508; letters to, 34, 82, 162, 275, 412 Parent, letter from, 155, letter to, 102 Parker, Daniel, letter to, 526 Passports issued by Jefferson, 483 Payne, Thomas, letter to, 31 Perrin, letter from, to Chauvier, 461 Pinckney, Charles, letter from, 31; letters to, [370], 463 Pitt, William, letter to, from John Trumbull, 517 Pontiere, Louis de, letter from, 98; letter to, 132 Preston, William, letter to, 589 Price, Richard, letters from, 90, 329; letters to, 137, 271, 279, 425 Prince of Wales. See Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Public accounts, see Jefferson's memorandum concerning, 84 R Rabaut de St. Etienne, letter to, 166 Ramsay, Andrew, letter to, 637 Ramsay, David, letter from, 37; letters to, 199, 450 Randolph, Ann, letter from, 638 Randolph, John, state of Farell & Jones judgment against, 672 Randolph, Richard, letters to, from Farell & Jones, 656, 662, 663, 664, 666, 667, 668, 670; letter to, from William Jones, 672. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Randolph, Thomas Mann. See Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles Rayneval, letter from, 451; letter to, 60 Rice trade, documents concerning, 445-448: Editorial note, 445; sources and amounts of rice imports into France, 446; notes on cost of shipping rice, 447; notes comparing Carolina rice with Piedmont, 447 Rights, Jefferson's draft of a charter of, for France, 167; Lafayette's draft of Declaration of, 230 Rochambeau, letter from, 416 Royez, letter from, 356 Ruellan & Cie., letters from, 65, 309; letters to, 69, 317 Rumsey, James, letters from, 39, 145, 170, 403, 467, 504; letters to, 413, 522 Rutledge, Edward, letter from, 11; letter to, 451; letter to, from Andrew Turnbull, 14 Rutledge, John, Jr., letters from, 24, 72; letter to, 63 Ruysch, letter from, 65 S Salt, memoir on, by Farmers-General, 488 Sarsfield, letters from, 18, 35, 72; letter to, 25 Schweighauser & Dobree, letter from, 53 Short, William, letters from, 27, 65, 76, 85, 91, 510, 530, 547, 558, 563; letters to, 50, 87, 506, 508, 524, 527, 552, 586; letter to, from C. W. F. Dumas, 201; letter to, from John Brown Cutting, 529 Sinclair, Sir John, letter from, 5; letter to, 306 Skipwith, Fulwar, letter from, 529 Skipwith, Henry. See Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 Slaves, sales of, imported in The Prince of Wales, 654. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Slave ship, The Prince of Wales. See Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales, 642 Souche, letters from, 124, 187; letter to [309] Specific tax, commissioners of. See Albemarle County Steuben, letter to, [599] Stewart, Dugald, letter to, 204 Stockdale, John, letter to, 615 Streckensen, J. G., letter to, 219 Swan, James, letters from, 261, 361, 381; letters to, 99, 382; proposition concerning importation of wood for naval construction, 262. See also A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 T Tesse, Madame de, letter from, 371; letter to, 363 Thiery fils aine, letter from, 67 Thompson, John, letter to, from John Wayles, 649. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Tillier, Rodolphe, letter from, 160 Trade, see documents on the rice trade, 445 Treasury, U.S. Commissioners of the, see Commissioners of the Treasury Trumbull, John, letters from, 84, 151, 157 (2), 176, 214, 263, 275, 297, 400, 417, 453, 467, 503, 515, 561; letters to, 38, 143, 163, 199, 205, 224, 331, 335, 407, 426, 435, 471, 559; letter from, to William Pitt, 517 Turnbull, Andrew, letter from, to Edward Rutledge, 14 U United States, Jefferson's account with, 84; Gouverneur Morris' plan concerning finances of, 123. See Commissioners of the Treasury V Van Dale, letter from, [551] Van Damme, letter from, 462; letter to, 88 Van Ishoven, P., letter from, 42 Van Staphorst, Nicolas & Jacob, letters from, 19, 257; letter to, 348. See also Willink & Van Staphorst Van Staphorst & Hubbard, letters from, 126, 562; letter to, 88 Vaughan, Benjamin, letters from, 102, 146, 182; letters to, 133, 425 Vernes, Jacob, letters from, 57, 129, 134, 150, 158, 313, 538, 545; letter to, 43 (note); letter from, to Brailsford & Morris, 543 Virginia delegates in Congress, letter to, 598 W Walker, John, letter from, 573 Washington, George, letter from, 519; letter to, 117; Houdon's proposals concerning an equestrian statue of, 319 Wayles, John, letter from, to John Thompson, 649; letter from, to Farell & Jones, 653 (2); letter from, to James Bivins, 655; letter to, from Farell & Jones, 649, 651; Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of, 674. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales, 642 Wayles & Randolph, letters to, from Farell & Jones, 651, 652, 656, 667. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Weedon, George letters from, 602, 607 Willink & Van Staphorst, letter to, from Commissioners of the Treasury, 41 Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, letters from, 19, 58, 91, 313, 342, 439, 471; letters to, 40, 89, 331, 347, 352, 407, 438, 479, 523, 527; letter from, to Commissioners of the Treasury, 474 Wood, James, letter to, 608 Wycombe, Lord, letter to, 306 SILVER COFFEE URN MADE BY ODIOT FROM DESIGN BY JEFFERSON 280 This, the earliest piece of silver that is proved by an existing draw- ing in Jefferson's hand to have been of his design, must be considered in connection with the bronze askos from Nimes shown on the same page. Both objects entered into Jefferson's plans to pay tribute to Clerisseau, the architect whose adaptation of the Maison Carree for use as the capitol of Virginia enabled that state to become the vanguard of the neo-classical movement in architecture. Jefferson's drawing, now in the Massachusetts Historical Society, was evidently made late in 1788. The "squalls of work" of November had scarcely ended when Jefferson bought 200 sheets of drawing paper from Corneillon, in- tending among other things to make working drawings of a cabriolet for Geismar (TJ to Geismar, 20 Feb. 1789; Account Book, 9 Nov. 1788). The extreme cold of the winter and the relatively lax state of affairs provided him with ample opportunity for turning his hand to problems of design. The urn, now owned by the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation at Monticello, was perhaps begun as soon as the drawing was completed, for Jefferson obtained it early in 1789 from Jean Baptiste Claude Odiot (1763-1850), who was just beginning his distinguished career and who in 1789 described himself as a "Marchand Orfevre, Bijoutier-Jouaillier" engaged in fabricating "toutes sortes d'ouvrages d'Orfevreries, sur de nouveaux Modeles, de son invention." His establishment was at the sign of the Cross of Gold at the corner of rue St. Honore and rue des Frondeurs (engraved invoice, Odiot to TJ, 3 June 1789; Vi). There is evidence that Jefferson from the beginning intended this coffee urn as a gift to Clerisseau. He had given Short a commission to obtain at Nimes a replacement of the copy of the bronze askos that had been lost in 1787 (see note on the askos), and now, late in November, he received word from Bergamo that Short was ill and thought to be in a "slow Consumption" (Mrs. Paradise to TJ, 10 Nov. 1788; TJ to Short, 21 Nov. 1788). Under the circumstances, since he was planning to return to America in the spring, it must have seemed unlikely that Short in any case could get to Nimes in time to carry out the commis- sion. The probability that this development caused Jefferson to think of having a substitute object of classical design made for presentation to Clerisseau is strongly supported by evidence in his Account Book. On 6 Feb. 1789 he made the following entries: "pd for a silver coffee pot 309 pd for mending my own coffee pot 12 = 321" Jefferson's intention is made clear by the following passage that he deleted later from the first entry: "pd for a silver coffee pot [this figure interlined:] 309 ([this figure, probably repeated by mistake, also interlined:] 309 [as a ?] present for Clerissault for his trouble about the draughts & model of capitol & prison 309 to be chgd to Virginia)." In the state of his account with Virginia, Jefferson made substantially the same entry under date of 6 Feb. 1789 and also deleted it: "(paid for coffee pot which I gave Clerissault for his trouble with drawings 309-0-0)" ("The Commonwealth of Virginia to Th: Jefferson Dr."; dated 9 Dec. 1789, in TJ's hand; Vi). In both cases the deletions were heavily made and in both documents Jefferson substituted for the dele- tions a similar entry under 3 June 1789, the day he paid Odiot 423 livres for a second "coffee pot as a present to Clerissaut for his trouble with the drawings &c. of public buildings" (same; also Account Book and Odiot's invoice, 3 June 1789). Unquestionably, then, the first urn was procured for the same purpose for which the second was declared to have been made. It is almost equally certain that Jefferson, having given up hope of procuring the model of the askos at Nimes, designed it with that end in view. (This being so, the first urn could not have borne in the beginning the Jefferson coat of arms that now appears on it.) In the entry under 6 Feb. 1789 in the Account Book, Odiot's name does not appear as the maker of the first urn. But proof that both urns were in fact from Odiot's atelier is contained in Jefferson's entry in the Account Book under 3 June 1789, where, in addition to the specific reference to Odiot as the maker of the second urn, there appears record of a payment to Petit of 100 livres "for Odiot to correct error of addition in my account Feb. 6." In the earlier entry (and also in the account with Virginia) Jefferson had written and then deleted the figure "309" which, with the sum paid for mending his own coffee urn, made a total of 321 livres. Thus, adding the sum of 100 livres for the correction of an error presumably made in the total of Odiot's (missing) invoice for the first urn, the cost of that urn was 409 livres, or approximately the same as that of the second. By February Jefferson knew that Short had recovered in health, and therefore that the copy of the ancient bronze vessel at Nimes might possibly arrive in time. By late April he knew that Short had engaged Souche to male a second model of the askos to replace the one that had been lost. By mid-May he learned that Souche had in fact done this and had sent the parcel by post on the 10th of that month (Short to TJ, 20 Apr. 1789; Souche to TJ, 11 May 1789). Despite the turbulent state of affairs, the posts from southern France were arriving promptly, and Jefferson should have received the model about the middle of May. He wrote Clerisseau on 7 June 1789 that it had not then arrived. But even if it had come to hand promptly, it probably would have arrived after Jefferson had decided, having in hand the coffee urn that had been substituted for the lost model, to obtain a substitute for the substitute. For when Short's letter arrived, Jefferson's luggage was packed and he was expecting momentarily to depart for America. He must have had the first urn in his possession for three months or so when, possibly in late April or early May, he gave orders to Odiot to make a second, presumably because he could not bring himself to part with the first. (For comment on an alterna- tive explanation on the assumption that, despite what Jefferson wrote Clerisseau, the model did arrive promptly and that Odiot could have made the urn in about two weeks, see note on the copy of the bronze askos.) Thus when Jefferson told Clerisseau that he had substituted for the "charmant vase" of Nimes "un vase a la verite moins singulier, mais antique et beau," he was describing an object he himself had designed. For the proof that Odiot used Jefferson's design for the second urn is to be found in the invoice that he submitted on 3 June 1789, wherein he charged Jefferson 291 livres for the amount of silver used and 132 livres for making "une fontainne, pareille au Dessin," weighing "4 m[arcs]-7 o[nces]-3 g[ros]," and costing, at 58 livres 10 sous per marc of silver, a total of 423 livres, the sum allowed by the Virginia auditor (Vi). The "Dessin" could scarcely have been any other than that which had been drawn for the first urn for which this was a substitute. Such a design, of course, had become highly con- ventionalized at this time because of the influence of discoveries of Greco-Roman vases and urns at Herculaneum and Pompeii, and in English silver of the late 18th century the acanthus leaves, bell-flower ropes, and circular medallions were recurring motifs in the designs of the brothers Adam (Bernard and Therle Hughes, Three Centuries of English Domestic Silver, 1500-1800, London, 1952, p.24, 176, fig. 70). But the classical lines of the urn made by Odiot may have one Jeffersonian touch: the leaves at the base may represent an effort on his part to introduce a Virginian element, as he did later with his tobacco-leaf capital for the columns in the Capitol at Washington. If this is so, then for this as well as for other reasons the vase "antique et beau" made a happier gift for Clerisseau than the model of the ancient bronze askos of Nimes would have been, despite its having been excavated in the ruins of the Maison Carree. The coffee urn now at Monticello was in the portion of family silver that went to George Wythe Randolph at the distribution at Edgehill in 1837. It was bequeathed by him to F. M. Randolph, who in 1892 sold it to Jefferson M. Levy. The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Founda- tion acquired it by purchase from Mrs. Charles von Mayhoff in 1940. (Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society and the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation; [James A. Bear, Jr.], Catalogue of an Exhibition of Thomas Jefferson Silver [Charlottesville], 1958, p.6-7.) "UN VASE ANTIQUE QU'ON AVOIT FOUILLE DANS LES RUINES DE [NIMES]" 280 Bronze askos at Nimes The ancient bronze askos in the museum of the Maison Carree is a late, abstract, and fairly uncommon form of a familiar type of Greek pottery and bronzework found in excavations of Etruscan and southern Italian sites. The earlier forms in clay were in the shape of ducks, of which a splendid example, with the spout in the center of the duck's back, is in the Louvre. Two fine examples in glass are in the Muzeo Nazionale at Naples. A bronze specimen almost identical with the abstract form of the askos in the Maison Carree is in the Museo Etrusco Gregoriano, Vatican City (J. D. Beazley, Etruscan Vase-Painting, Oxford, 1947, p. 6, plates XXVII.7, XXXVIII.5.9., and XL.3; A. D. Trendall, Vasi Antichi Dipinit de Vaticano: Vasi Italioti ed Etrusschi a Figure Rosse. Fasicolo II, Vatican City, 1955, p.158-9, 253-4, plates XLII.Y3, LXVI.i.z115-7; Clasina Isings, Roman Glass from Dated Finds, Groningen, 1957, p. 77, form 59). More study has been given to the form than to the function of these askoi, and, while they are generally regarded as being used as vessels for wine, the shape-particularly that of the specimen in the Louvre-lends support to the conclusion of George Dennis, The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, London, 1878, I, p. cxxv, that "they seem to have been employed for the toilet alone." Jefferson first saw the askos at Nimes in March 1787 and immedi- ately decided that it would be appropriate to present a copy of "ce charmant vase" to Clerisseau. At that time the askos was in what Jefferson called the "Cabinet de Segur"-that is, the collection of books, medals, inscriptions, and objets d'art gathered by the well-known and widely-travelled antiquary, Jean Francois Seguier (1703-1784), a native of Nimes who had written the scholarly Dissertation sur l'an- cienne inscription de la Maison-Carree de Nismes (Nimes, 1776) and who supervised the excavations and restoration of the Maison Carree from 1778 to 1781. His collection, along with the dwelling in which it was housed when Jefferson saw it, was bequeathed to the Academie de Nimes and was the nucleus of the exhibits in the Maison Carree when it became a museum in 1824. The askos has remained there ever since (Emile Esperandieu, La Maison Carree, Nimes, 1922; the askos is reproduced on p. 47 of the Paris, 1929, edition). Having this provenance, the ancient bronze was very likely, as Jefferson said, "fouille dans les ruines" of Nimes. It was without question the one that he saw and caused to be copied. Silver askos at Monticello When he first arrived in Nimes in March 1787, Jefferson employed a valet de place named Blondin, whom he thereafter confused with a craftsman of that place called Souche. Returning two months later, he paid Souche 18 livres to make a model of the "antique vase in Cabinet de Segur," probably with the intention of having a copy in silver made in Paris. The price paid for the model proves that Souche, who may have been a whitesmith, made it from tin, copper, wood, or some other material such as silversmiths employed for making copies (John H. Pollen, Gold and Silver Smith's Work, New York, 1879, p. 127; Esther Forbes, Paul Revere and the World He Lived In, Cam- bridge, Mass., 1942, p. 380-2). This model was evidently lost. In 1789 when Short arrived in Nimes bearing a commission to obtain a replacement of it, he found that Souche had kept another model or pattern (possibly the same one). This proved to be fortunate, for the transfer of custodianship of the Seguier collections was in progress when Short arrived and the exhibits were unavailable for inspection. Souche, however, would not undertake the work at once, but on 20 Apr. 1789 Short wrote Jefferson from Toulouse that he had left "the money and the price of a box with your old servant Blondin, who will certainly not fail to have it made and sent to you immediately by the Messagerie or a private hand." Three weeks later Jefferson re- ceived a letter from Souche saying that he had dispatched "la Caffetiere" by post on the 10th of May. Yet, while Jefferson was impatient for its arrival, there is no evidence that he pressed Souche to find what had become of it. On the contrary, it was Souche who expressed concern, as he did in a letter which Jefferson received promptly but did not answer for more than a month. This was understandable in the cir- cumstances, for Jefferson had purchased the silver urn described above. TJ to Clerisseau, 7 June 1789; Souche to TJ, 11 May and 16 June 1789; Short to TJ, 20 Apr. 1789; TJ to Souche [missing], 27 July 1789; Account Book, 10 May 1787, 3 June 1789; Accounts with Virginia, under 9 Dec. 1789). The model almost certainly had come into Jefferson's possession by 1 Aug. 1789, if not before, for on that day he paid Short 61 livres 3 sous for the "macaroni machine and vase." Whatever the date of its arrival, it was brought back to America and became a part of the cabinet at Monticello. But it was not until 1801 that Jefferson caused a silver copy to be made. This he did with the aid of Thomas Claxton, who had been appointed "Agent for furnishing the President's House" during the administration of John Adams and who was continued in that post by Jefferson. In May 1801 Jefferson sent Claxton to Philadelphia to buy articles both for the President's House and for Monticello, and at that time placed Souche's copy of the askos in the agent's hands, evidently telling him that he wished an inscription on it. Claxton thought the inscription "would look well on the breast," but Jefferson instructed Claxton to have it placed "on the upper side of the lid" in these words: "'Copied from a model taken in 1778 by Th: Jefferson from a Roman Ewer in the Cabinet of antiquities at Nismes.'" He also enclosed "a paper shewing in what manner I think it may be best inscribed, as also how the hinge of the lid is to be formed." Claxton engaged [Anthony] Simmons & [Samuel] Alexander to make the copy, and their mark appears on its base. The fact that Jefferson waited until 1801 to have the copy made, that he placed an inscription on it, and that he had the agent for the government negotiate with the silversmiths suggests that he in- tended it for temporary use in the President's House, perhaps as a conversation piece. But it is certain that the purchase was made for his private account, and Claxton must have included it in the "trunk with the plated ware" that, along with chairs, sofas, and other personal objects purchased by him, were sent by him to Monticello in the sum- mer of 1801. Two payments made by Claxton in June to Anthony Simmons for silver objects do not specify their nature, nor does the inclusive inventory of furnishings in the President's House made on 19 Feb. 1809 include what Jefferson called "the Ewer." The silver copy of the bronze askos remained in the possession of the family and was bequeathed by Martha Jefferson Randolph to her son-in-law, Joseph Coolidge, through whom it descended to Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, III, who in 1957 presented it to Monticello (TJ to Claxton, 2 June 1801; Claxton to TJ, 18, 28 May, 27 Aug. 1801; invoice, Claxton to TJ, 5-13 June 1801; C. Jordan Thorn, Handbook of American Silver and Pewter Marks, New York, 1949, p. 10, 186; [James A. Bear, Jr.], Report of the Curator, 1957, Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, [Charlottesville, Virginia]; the Editors are in- debted for much helpful assistance, particularly in procuring the photograph of the bronze askos, to Professor Frederick D. Nichols of the University of Virginia and to M. V. Lassalle of the Musees Archeologiques of Nimes, and also to Messrs. Marshall B. Davidson of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, James A. Bear, Jr., Curator, Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, Paul F. DuVivier, Assistant Commer- cial Attache of the American Embassy in Paris). Jefferson is unquestionably responsible for one of the two important differences between the silver copy and its bronze prototype: the addi- tion of the lid, together with the form of its hinge and inscription, was by his specific direction. The other alteration-the change of the handle from an idealized fox (perhaps a cat or ferret) to an abstract form, and the substitution of a floret for the mask at the base of the handle-may have been made by Souche, who said that his second model was "mieux faite que l'autre," or even by Simmons & Alexander, who departed slightly from Jefferson's directions about the inscription (though they later corrected his erroneous date). But an alternative possibility is that this may have been Jefferson's alteration. If so, it might have been one suggested by delicacy for the purpose of making appropriate for his use in 1801 what in 1789 he might have deemed inappropriate as a gift for such a distinguished classicist as Clerisseau, thus perhaps explaining the substitution of the coffee urn made by Odiot for the model that Jefferson knew was on its way. It is worth noting that in her will Martha Jefferson referred to the silver copy of the bronze askos as "the duck." (Courtesy of Musees Archeologiques, Nimes, France, and the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, Charlottesville, Virginia) "THE FIRST CHAPTER OF THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN LIBERTY" 280 The eight engravings reproduced here, depicting events of July 1789, are all taken from an illustrated tract published in late autumn of that year in Paris, Les principaux evenemens de la Revolution de Paris, et notamment de la Semaine Memorable, representes par figures. The author, Ducray du Minil, a corporal in the Paris Citizens' Guard, dedicated his work to its commander, "M. le Marquis de La Fayette, Restorer of Liberty in America, and Defender of her Rights in France." The events set forth in these engravings, often enlivened with graphic detail, are recorded in somewhat different terms by Jefferson in his correspondence of the period, notably in his dispatches to John Jay and in his letters to Madison and Diodati (TJ to Jay, 19 and 29 July, 5 Aug. 1789; TJ to Madison, 22 July 1789; TJ to Diodati, 3 Aug. 1789; see also his letters to Thomas Paine, 11, 13, 17, and 23 July 1789, and to Richard Price, 12 and 17 July 1789). It was in the letter to Diodati that Jefferson characterized these events as being "but the first chapter of the history of European liberty." He declared it "impossible to conceive a greater fermentation than has worked in Paris," and added: "I have been thro' it daily, have observed the mobs with my own eyes in order to be satisfied of their objects, and . . . have slept in my house as quietly thro' the whole as I ever did in the most peaceable moments." In his Autobiography, in which he devoted a disproportionate amount of space to these events, Jefferson utilized these letters but also added some significant details. For example, in speaking of the incident between the crowd and the Prince de Lambesc's cavalry at the entrance to the Tuileries gardens, he repeats some passages from his letters and then reveals that his was an eye witness' account: "In the afternoon a body of about 100. German cavalry were advanced and drawn up in the Place Louis XV. and about 200. Swiss posted at a little distance in their rear. This drew people to the spot, who thus accidentally found themselves in front of the troops, merely at first as spectators; but as their numbers increased their indignation rose. They retired a few steps, and posted themselves on and behind large piles of stone, large and small. ... In this position, happening to be in my carriage on a visit, I passed thro' the lane they had formed, without interruption. But the moment after I had passed, the people attacked the cavalry with stones. They charged, but the advantageous position of the people, and the showers of stones obliged the horse to retire." Again, of the events on 14 July, he repeats the occurrences at the Bastille when "M. de Corny and five others were . . . sent to ask arms of M. de Launay," and then adds: "I happened to be at the house of M. de Corny when he returned to it, and recieved from him a narrative of these transactions." (This, incidentally, contradicts Bes- nard's fanciful account-though none is needed-of the supposed dinner at which Jefferson, Volney, and Cabanis heard the news of the fall of the Bastille and then in their joy threw their hats in the air, dancing and stamping like madmen; Sovenirs d'un nonagenaire: memoires de Francois-Yves Besnard, ed. Celestin Port, Paris, 1880.) I. 12 July 1789. "A body of about 100. German cavalry were ad- vanced and drawn up in the Place Louis XV." II. 13 July 1789. "The people now armed themselves with such weapons as they could find." III. 14 July 1789. Hotel des Invalides. "The people took possession of the arms." IV. 14 July 1789. Capture of the Governor of the Bastille, M. de Launay. V. 14 July 1789. "A treacherous correspondence having been dis- covered in M. de Flesselles, Prevot des Marchands, they seized him." VI. 17 July 1789. The King came to Paris. On 26 Apr. 1824 Jefferson wrote to Dugald Stewart, the Scottish philosopher: "It is now 35. years since I had the great pleasure of becoming acquainted with you in Paris, and since we saw together Louis XVI. led in triumph by his people thro' the streets of his capital." VII. 17 July 1789. There M. Bailly presented, and put into his hat, the popular cockade." VIII. 30 July 1789. M. Necker returns to Paris. (Courtesy of the Princeton University Library) TWO SILVER GOBLETS MADE BY ODIOT FROM A DESIGN BY JEFFERSON 281 These goblets must have been designed about the same time that Jefferson made the drawing for the silver coffee urn described above- that is, late in 1788 or early in 1789. The invoice that Odiot submitted to Jefferson on 3 June 1789 for the urn also included the charges for "Les Deux Goblet, Pareille au Model"-an expression indicating that Jefferson had presumably caused a model to be made of some cheaper material before ordering copies in silver. The two goblets weighed "1 m[arc]. 6 o[nces]. 6 g[ros]" which, at a cost of 58 livres 10 sous per marc amounted to 109 livres. The gilding of the cups cost an additional 18 livres each, their fabrication 60 livres, and their "Racomodage et augmentation du Poids" another 18 livres-the last possibly accounting for the fact that the goblets vary in height. Thus the two cost a total of 223 livres (the 229 livres that Jefferson recorded in his Account Book on 3 June 1789 included an additional 6 livres for burnishing a "Soupiere, 2 culliere a caffe et deux couvert"). Odiot's invoice is on an engraved bill-head, dated 3 June 1789 (Vi). When the remnant of Jefferson's silver was divided among the heirs at Edgehill in 1837, these two goblets were in the portion that went to Mrs. Elizabeth Martin Randolph, widow of Meriwether Lewis Randolph. They were inherited from her by her daughter-in-law, Mrs. Bettie M. Donelson, from whom they were acquired by Mrs. Stanley F. Horn, Nashville, Tennessee, their present owner ([James A. Bear, Jr.], Catalogue of an Exhibition of Thomas Jefferson Silver [Charlottesville, Virginia], 1958, p. 4, 6). The drawing of the goblets is in the Massa- chusetts Historical Society. (Courtesy of Mrs. Stanley F. Horn and the Massachusetts Historical Society) PASSPORTS ISSUED TO JEFFERSON BY LOUIS XVI AND BY THE PARIS COMMUNE 424 Prudence, as well as convenience, may have suggested the wisdom of having two passports in time of revolution, one being issued under the authority of the hereditary monarch and the other under the authority of elective representatives-with the added endorsement of the commanding general of the Garde Nationale. Lafayette's endorse- ment on the latter (in an unidentified hand, but signed by Lafayette) reads: "Messieurs les officiers des Gardes nationales et en General tous les Citoyens, sont pries de laisser passer Mr Jefferson ministre pleni- potentiaire des Etats-unis d'amerique et de lui donner toute l'assistance dont il pourroit avoir besoin. a Paris Ce 26. 7e. 1789. Lafayette." It is evident, however, that Jefferson's chief concern was that of getting his English-made carriage safely and quickly through the French customs. He had requested such a passport in mid-April (TJ to Durival, 13 Apr. 1789; Rayneval to TJ, 18 Sep. 1789). Hence the royal passport specifically permits him, his family, his servants, and his "bagages et Equipages" to pass, and the passport signed by Lafay- ette also specifies that Jefferson is to be permitted to pass "avec . . . voitures et effets." (Both passports are on paper, that signed by Louis XVI being engraved and that signed by Lafayette being printed; the latter has a red wax seal affixed; DLC: TJ Papers, 52: 8824, 8863.) (Courtesy of the Library of Congress) "OUR COUNTRY SHOULD NOT BE WITHOUT THE PORTRAITS OF IT'S FIRST DISCOVERERS" 425 As no other American of the 18th century looked so hopefully to the future of the "empire for liberty," so none sought more zealously than Jefferson to collect books, laws, documents, portraits, medals, statuary, manuscripts, and curiosities pertaining to its past. Portraits of Columbus, Vespucius, Cortez, and Magellan copied for him in the Uffizi Gallery in 1788, about the same time that Jefferson also en- gaged John Trumbull to obtain copies of portraits of "Bacon, Locke and Newton . . . the three greatest men that have ever lived, without any exception" (TJ to Trumbull, 15 Feb. 1789). Something of the background of Jefferson's acquisitions of the portraits of Columbus and others, and of the measure of his attachment to them, can be gathered from his response to Joseph Delaplaine, who in 1814 sought to borrow those of Columbus and Vespucius: "While I resided at Paris, knowing that these portraits, and those of some other of the early American worthies were in the gallery of Medicis at Florence, I took measures for engaging a good artist to take and send me copies of them. I considered it as even of some public concern that our country should not be without the portraits of it's first discoverers. These copies have already run the risks of transportations from Florence to Paris, to Philadelphia, to Washington, and lastly to this place, where they are at length safely deposited. ... I think that these portraits ought not to be hazarded from their present deposit. Like public records, I make them free to be copied, but, being as originals in this country, they should not be exposed to the accidents of travelling post" (TJ to Delaplaine, 3 May 1814). The four portraits here reproduced are from the paintings in the Gioviana Collection of the Gallery of the Uffizi-and it is to be doubted whether all of them are originals in the sense that Jefferson believed them to be (TJ to Delaplaine, 28 Aug. 1814). Only one of the copies made for Jefferson from these prototypes has been identified with any degree of certainty. This is the portrait of Columbus, which was item No. 56 of the second sale of the Jefferson paintings held at Chester Harding's gallery in Boston on 19 July 1833. It fetched $20, and was purchased by Israel Thorndike, who on 31 Dec. 1835 presented it to the Massachusetts Historical Society. The Magellan, Cortez, and Vespucius portraits were listed respectively as Nos. 17, 18, and 20 in the second sale at Harding's gallery, but have not been traced further. Jeferson engaged Philip Mazzei, who had studied medicine in Florence, to arrange to have the portraits copied. This was done some- time late in 1788, for on 25 Sep. 1788 Giuseppe Pelli, Director of the Gallery of the Uffizi, granted permission to Giuseppe Calendi, the copyist, to make the copies under the usual precautions. On 8 Jan. 1789 Jefferson recorded in his Account Book the payment of 13 16s. for the "portage of pictures from Italy," and again on 16 Feb. 1789 he noted the payment of 145 10s. to Mazzei "for pictures from Florence." Mme. Evelyn S. Vavala, who investigated the Archives of the Gallery of the Uffizi for the Editors and arranged to have these four portraits copied, found what at first appeared to be a puzzling duplica- tion of Jefferson's request. This was another application by Giuseppe Calendi to make copies of the same four portraits, as well as copies of portraits of Andrea Doria and Castrocuccio Castrocane. Permission was granted by the Director of the Uffizi on 26 June 1789. The explanation of this puzzle appears in Jefferson's letter to Joseph Delaplaine of 3 May 1814: "When I received these portraits at Paris, Mr. Daniel Parker of Massachusetts happened to be there, and deter- mined to procure for himself copies from the same originals at Florence; and I think that he did obtain them, and that I have heard of their being in the hands of some one in Boston." Thus, within half a century after they were made in Florence, Calendi's copies came to rest in the same city in America. This may help to explain the number of copies of Vespucius and others in learned societies in and about Boston -but there were many other originators of copying programs besides Jefferson and Parker (see Mass. Hist. Soc., Procs., 1st. ser., IV [1858], 117-8; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, II, 139-40; Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, New York, 1851, I, p. xxviii, note; the Editors are indebted to Mme. Evelyn S. Vavala of Florence, Mrs. Walter M. Whitehill of North Andover, and Mr. James A. Bear, Jr., Curator, the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Founda- tion, for information pertaining to these portraits). (Courtesy of the Gioviana Collection of the Gallery of the Uffizi) JEFFERSON BY HOUDON 456 Jean Antoine Houdon (1741-1828) was one of the most productive and popular sculptors of his day, and the height of his esteem with Americans occurred in the 1780's during the time Jefferson was re- siding in Paris. He was a frequent exhibitor in the Salons held an- nually by the Academie Royale de Peinture et Sculpture between 1771 and the early years of the next century (Georges Giacometti, La vie et l'oeuvre de Houdon, Paris, 1929, I, 167-72). In the summe of 1789 Houdon was represented in the Salon by ten busts, one of which (number 241 in the catalogue), was a "buste platre of M. Sefferson," who was identified as "Envoye des Etats de Virginie" (Collection des Livrets des Anciennes Expositions depuis 1673, Paris, 1870, "Exposi- tion de 1789," p. 47). Houdon apparently retained this bust, and a bust of Jefferson is shown in the painting by Louis Boilly in 1804 of Houdon in his studio (see Vol.8:215). However, he made copies of this, and among those busts for which Jefferson paid Houdon 1000 on 3 July 1789 there was probably a copy of the bust of himself (Fiske Kimball, "The Life Portraits of Jefferson and Their Replicas," Procs. Am. Phil. Soc., LXXXVIII [1944], 505). Two known signed plaster originals of this work survive in the United States today. One, said to be the gift of David Rittenhouse, is in the American Philosophical Society, where it has been since 1819. The other, illustrated here, is in the New-York Historical Society, which received it from Mrs. Laura Wolcott Gibbs in 1839. It is said to have been originally the property of Hugh Williamson. This bust has been described by a lead- ing authority on Jeffersonian iconography as "a work of the highest quality, among the most realistic portraits of the artist. This is the Jefferson of the French Revolutionary era, with eye of fire, filled with enthusiasm for the rights of man" (Kimball, same, p. 505-7). BUSTS BY HOUDON 457 In his letter to Houdon on 3 July 1789, Jefferson referred to "Les objets que Monsieur Houdon a eu la bonte de faire pour Monsieur Jefferson." The same day he gave the sculptor an order for 1000. The busts very likely included plaster copies of the effigies Houdon had already executed of Franklin, Lafayette, and Washington. In Jefferson's "Catalogue of Paintings &c. at Monticello," he listed-along with plaster busts of Turgot and Voltaire by Houdon-busts of Jones, Franklin, Washington, and Lafayette as being in "the Tea-room" and as "by Houdon size of the life." After Jefferson's death, these and other statuary came into the possession of the Boston Athenaeum, where those of Washington and Lafayette still remain (Account Book, 3 July, 1 Aug. 1789; note to Jones to TJ, 28 Feb. 1786; S. Fiske Kimball, "The Life Portraits of Thomas Jefferson and their Replicas," Procs. Am. Phil. Soc., LXXXVIII [1944], 505, note 37). Benjamin Franklin. It was fitting that Houdon, in his capacity as unofficial sculptor to the United States, should find his first American subject in the country's first minister to France. In 1779, two years after Franklin's arrival, Houdon exhibited a bust of him at the Salon de l'Academie Royale de Peinture et Sculpture and in 1781 in the Salon de Correspondance (Giacometti, Houdon, II, 54). Franklin concurred in Jefferson's selection of Houdon to execute the statue of Washington for Virginia, and he and Houdon sailed on the same ship in 1785 (TJ to Harrison, 12 Jan. 1785). In 1802 Jefferson's friend Dupont said that Houdon had left in America "un tres beau buste" of Franklin and that he thought it should be purchased by the govern- ment or by public subscription, especially since Houdon, "a qui la Virginie doit encore mille ecus, est dans un veritable besoin d'argent" (Dupont to TJ, 20 Feb. and 24 Apr. 1802). The effort failed, and a marble bust believed to be the one of which Dupont wrote is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. The plaster copy once owned by Jefferson is in the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. John Paul Jones. Houdon made a bust of the American naval hero probably in 1780, and in the following year exhibited a "buste en platre couleur de terre cuite" at the Salon. Late in 1785 or early in 1786 Jones presented a plaster copy of this bust to Jefferson (Jones to TJ, 28 Feb. 1786, note; Giacometti, Houdon, II, 98). Two years later Jones asked Jefferson to have Houdon prepare replicas for pres- entation to friends in America and to undertake the task of shipping them. This was done and the boxes, shipped aboard the Cato for New York, arrived there on 22 Jan. 1790 when Madison, one of Jones' designated recipients, took charge of them (Jones to TJ, 25 Aug./9 Sep. 1788; Jones to Short, 15/26 Sep. 1788; TJ to Jones, 23 Mch. 1789; Account Book, 22 Sep. 1789). Meanwhile, Jefferson's own copy of the bust was sent to Monticello. It remained at Monticello until Jefferson's death, and in 1828 was deposited, along with other Houdon busts from Monticello, in the Boston Athenaeum. The Jones bust subsequently disappeared from that repository and is now be- lieved to be in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (note to Jones to TJ, 28 Feb. 1786). Lafayette. While Houdon had undertaken the busts of Franklin and Jones on his own initiative, he executed the bust of Lafayette, as he did the marble statue of Washington, in pursuance of a commission from the Commonwealth of Virginia. The resolutions of the General Assembly of 1781 and 1784 that a bust of Lafayette "be made in Paris of the best marble" to be presented to the City of Paris and that another be made for the Capitol at Richmond were carried out by arrangement between Jefferson and Houdon (TJ to Governor of Vir- ginia, 22 Aug. 1785; TJ to Prevot des Marchands et Echevins, 27 Sep. 1786; TJ to Rayneval, 30 Sep. 1786, enclosure and note). Houdon exhibited the bust "pour les Etats de Virginie" at the Salon in 1787, and late that year, on Houdon's advice, Jefferson engaged "Mr. de Lorme, Emballeur," to pack and ship the bust to America. Its pedestal followed in 1789 (Houdon to TJ, 12 Sep. 1787; Account Book, 1 Nov., 22 Dec. 1787). The bust-not on its pedestal-is now in the rotunda of the Capitol at Richmond. Jefferson's plaster copy of the Lafayette bust also passed into the possession of Joseph Coolidge and then into the Boston Athenaeum (Mable Munson Swan, The Athe- naeum Gallery, Boston, 1940, p. 165-6). Washington. Jefferson's bust of Washington by Houdon, now in the Boston Athenaeum, was made as a result of the sculptor's personal study of his distinguished subject at Mount Vernon in the fall of 1785, a commission which Jefferson himself was instrumental in obtaining (TJ to Washington, 10 Dec. 1784; TJ to Harrison, 12 Jan. 1785). At that time, Houdon, in addition to taking detailed measurements of the General's frame, made a clay bust which he took back to Paris with him as a model for the head of the statue that he eventually chiselled from marble. He is alleged at this time also to have made a life mask, but Giacometti, Houdon, II, 173-5, doubts this, question- ing the authenticity of the mask in the Morgan Collection. The clay bust is now at Mount Vernon (reproduced and described in Freeman, Washington, New York, 1948-57, VI, frontispiece). It was the proto- type for other Washington busts in plaster and other materials. Jefferson's copy was acquired by the Boston Athenaeum from Joseph Coolidge in 1828.
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